I want to explicate the game of chess as an exemplar of the basic structure as socially constituted. I am not making special claims for the game of chess, per se, except to say that it is familiar enough that one can lay bare one or two crucial points. The first point, one that I have already made, is that any particular game is governed by intentionality, and the moves in the game are instrumental to that end. The whole game, of course, is arbitrary -- that is to say, it could have been otherwise -- and one could easily imagine a history of the game where the rules and expectations of play might have had one trying to capture the queen, not the king. The arbitrariness of chess suggests what might be called its intermediacy -- that is to say, the game in its entirety serves the purpose of another intentionality, which in turn suggests a basic structure for the intentional as we might typically understand it, a point I will return to later. In the end, however, there is nothing or little in chess or its governing intentionality that might suggest a "natural" or a "basic" need. Once engaged in a game of chess, however, checkmate becomes the governing intentionality, and one makes moves to arrive at a state of affairs, a condition of the world (at least that portion of it represented by the chess board) that "counts as" checkmate.
Here it might be useful to note that in chess one has an opponent. While it strains credulity a bit to think that the originating framers of the game could imagine a situation where the opponent is a machine, it is not particularly difficult for us, in this day and age, to imagine the same, and so it is not necessary to think of one's opponent as another subjectivity beyond the confines of the game, but it is necessary to this of it as subject to the same imperative to reach checkmate. In this respect, I and my opponent are the same, and when I think of my opponent, I think of him it in terms of a "desire" to reach checkmate, knowing full well that it is, so to speak, merely a programmed desire captured in its hardware and software. If we confine ourselves to the game, and only the game, it is unnecessary to think of one's opponent in any other way -- unnecessary to think of one's opponent as anything other than an automaton -- but of course we do think of our human opponents in other ways, and this too suggests the intermediacy of chess. In a tournament setting, for example, the game itself might well be instrumental to the additional end of receiving the cash prize and the recognition that comes of being a "winner." It is the intermediacy of chess, as a social constituted game, that allows for its instrumental application to another governing intentionality, and here again of course the instrumental act may have more or less utility relative to that end. One might, for example, lose the match and fail to gain either the prize money or the recognition, in part because lacks cognitive capacity relative to one's opponent.
Here too, it might be useful to note that one's opponent is actively trying to prevent one from achieving checkmate or, perhaps more precisely, is attempting to reach checkmate first. It is presumptive to the game, and allows one rationalize the opponent -- that is to say, to ask "why?" of its moves and assign a "because" to it. This is not so much a psychological claim as a logical claim. One does not necessarily proceed through the game asking "why did he move his pawn there?" and answering one's own inquiry, "ah because he wanted to threaten my knight and weaken my attack." Indeed, such questions are often asked and answered, not as running commentary, but retrospectively as explication, but it is sufficient at the moment to note that one can ask and answer such questions if one "knows" the governing intentionality. Imagine, for example, watching a game of chess, not knowing that the opponents are pursuing checkmate. One might imagine it as a game, not unlike checkers, where the governing intentionality is to remove the opponents pieces from the board and have the last piece standing. The game would appear irrational both in its progress and its end, leading one to believe (perhaps) that one missed the point (though not necessarily so). I am suggesting, of course, that the basic structure "rationalizes" our lives -- provides, as it were, the formal element in a form of life. This is an important point, and I will advert to it often, but for the moment it is enough to point it out.
Along that line, however, one might expect to find the rules of chess set out, quite literally, in a rule book that defines and prescribes the game. This need not necessarily be the case for all forms of life, insofar as the instrumental act is chosen, not solely for its utility, but as a signifier to a signified intentionality -- a choice that prescribes limits on those acts potentially instrumental to a given intentionality. Within chess, however, it is clear enough that the rules of the game -- that is to say, the restrictions on the moves of the various pieces -- rationalize the game in quite another sense. If there were no limitations on the various pieces and allowable limitations on their moves, the game itself, as a game, is inconceivable. It is an instructive mental exercise to imagine what a game of chess might be like were there no division of labor, so to speak, among the pieces, and no prescriptive limitations on their movements. For the players, there is no ontological reason, as it were, to follow the rules and move the bishop only diagonally across the board, but there is a deontological reason to follow the rules. Once one enters into a game of chess, as a game of chess, one is more or less obliged to abide by the restrictions on the various pieces. I say "more or less" obliged, because it is always possible to imagine cheating, moving a piece impermissibly, say, when one's opponent is out of the room, but it is only possible to imagine cheating, breaking the rules, if there are rules in the first place, including the rules that set out the governing intentionality of checkmate. It is likewise an instructive mental exercise to imagine watching a game of chess as a spectator and detecting one of the players in the act of cheating. One can ask, "why did he cheat as he did?" and answer "because in two moves he will be able to escape his opponents attack and mount his own." Intentionality, in short, rationalizes even the act of cheating.
One can imagine cheating in a different sense. Here again, imagine watching a game of chess as a spectator and detecting one of the players in the act of cheating. One can ask, "why did he cheat as he did?" and answer "because he has set his opponent up for checkmate in two moves. Clearly he wants to lose!" One can imagine the same even without "cheating," per se, by choosing moves that lack utility relative to the governing intentionality. One can still rationalize the act, "because he wished to lose the game," but such a rationalization seems to beg the question and elicit a subsequent "why?" -- the answer to which points to the game's intermediacy, the instrumentality of the game itself within a broader social network of intentionalities -- "because he stands to make less on the prize money than the gambling bets he made on the side." Insofar as chess is wholly prescribed within the rules of the game, and insofar as one chooses to enter into (or not enter into) the game, both forms of "cheating" are possible. I am suggesting the difference between a form of cheating that violates the obligation to pursue checkmate -- that violates, so to speak, the given intentionality of the intentional act -- and a form of cheating that violates the obligation to do so within permissible limitations on the pieces -- that violates, so to speak, restrictions on the instrumentality of any instrumental act.
Neither form of cheating is permissible, of course, but the distinction enters into moral and political discourse around a question of banality. Imagine, for example, a broadly conceived social game, the governing intentionality of which is "the extermination of the jews." It is not, unfortunately, an uncommon game, and one could conceive it as "the extermination of the sunni muslims," or "ethnic Serbs," or the like. Given the intentionality, one can further imagine means instrumental to the satisfaction of the given intentionality -- in the case of the social game aimed at the extermination of the jews, an extensive network of labor camps and railways to transport the jews to the labor camps. Within that, one can imagine Adolf Eichmann, whose governing intentionality was to "keep the trains on schedule," a game that itself involved a range of acts instrumental to its satisfaction. The banality of evil that Arendt points to is, perhaps, captured in my phrase, "broadly conceived social game." At one level, of course, I want to argue that "the extermination of the jews" is no different than any other broadly conceived social game, at least insofar as its basic structure is concerned. It is no different than, say, "maximize corporate profits," though I would also want to argue that the former is morally reprehensible, while the latter is morally neutral, at least within our current moral sensibilities. We would expect, in other words, those in a position to do so, like Eichmann, to help throw the over-arching game aimed at "the extermination of the jews." He did not, of course, and continued playing his particular role, "keeping the trains on time," with some managerial competence -- a role that would have been perceived in and of itself as morally neutral had the cargo been, say, potatoes for the troops and not jews for extermination.
One can imagine cheating in a different sense. Here again, imagine watching a game of chess as a spectator and detecting one of the players in the act of cheating. One can ask, "why did he cheat as he did?" and answer "because he has set his opponent up for checkmate in two moves. Clearly he wants to lose!" One can imagine the same even without "cheating," per se, by choosing moves that lack utility relative to the governing intentionality. One can still rationalize the act, "because he wished to lose the game," but such a rationalization seems to beg the question and elicit a subsequent "why?" -- the answer to which points to the game's intermediacy, the instrumentality of the game itself within a broader social network of intentionalities -- "because he stands to make less on the prize money than the gambling bets he made on the side." Insofar as chess is wholly prescribed within the rules of the game, and insofar as one chooses to enter into (or not enter into) the game, both forms of "cheating" are possible. I am suggesting the difference between a form of cheating that violates the obligation to pursue checkmate -- that violates, so to speak, the given intentionality of the intentional act -- and a form of cheating that violates the obligation to do so within permissible limitations on the pieces -- that violates, so to speak, restrictions on the instrumentality of any instrumental act.
Neither form of cheating is permissible, of course, but the distinction enters into moral and political discourse around a question of banality. Imagine, for example, a broadly conceived social game, the governing intentionality of which is "the extermination of the jews." It is not, unfortunately, an uncommon game, and one could conceive it as "the extermination of the sunni muslims," or "ethnic Serbs," or the like. Given the intentionality, one can further imagine means instrumental to the satisfaction of the given intentionality -- in the case of the social game aimed at the extermination of the jews, an extensive network of labor camps and railways to transport the jews to the labor camps. Within that, one can imagine Adolf Eichmann, whose governing intentionality was to "keep the trains on schedule," a game that itself involved a range of acts instrumental to its satisfaction. The banality of evil that Arendt points to is, perhaps, captured in my phrase, "broadly conceived social game." At one level, of course, I want to argue that "the extermination of the jews" is no different than any other broadly conceived social game, at least insofar as its basic structure is concerned. It is no different than, say, "maximize corporate profits," though I would also want to argue that the former is morally reprehensible, while the latter is morally neutral, at least within our current moral sensibilities. We would expect, in other words, those in a position to do so, like Eichmann, to help throw the over-arching game aimed at "the extermination of the jews." He did not, of course, and continued playing his particular role, "keeping the trains on time," with some managerial competence -- a role that would have been perceived in and of itself as morally neutral had the cargo been, say, potatoes for the troops and not jews for extermination.